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rty,andtheimpactsoftheseconsiderations.Inaddition,thispaperwillbebasedontheseconsiderationsinordertosuggestsomeremendationsforsomerecentsocialpolicyreforms,like2-tierpublicpensionsystem,theuniversalhealthcarevoucherandthefoodbank.

论述澳门政治参与及政治效能

何秋祥(澳门大学)

Inthepost-handoverera,publicgovernanceinMacauhasgraduallyfocusedonencouraginggreatercitizenparticipationinthepolicymakingprocess.ThiswaspartiallyreflectedinthepolicyaddressesoftheChiefExecutiveoftheMacauSARgovernment.Suchapositiveattributeofdemocraticgovernancewasmissingduringtheeraofcolonialrule.Besides,thelegislativecouncilelectionsin2005showedarisingtrendinelectoralparticipation,notwithstandingthemobilizationaleffortsofthepetitivebusiness-orientedinterestgroupsinthestruggleoverelections.Inspiteofthesehopefulsignsofnurturingdemocraticgovernance,governmentcapacityindealingwithvarioussocialproblems—risingineinequalityandcrimerates,corruption,environmentalpollution,trafficcongestionetc.—duetotheliberalizationofthecasinoindustryin2003,appearedtofallshortofpublicexpectation.Thedissatisfactionwithgovernmentperformancesawmassprotestsasadominantformofpoliticalparticipationinthepost-handoverMacau.Theemergenceofnewsocialanizationsandtheinfamouspolicegun-shotincidentinthe2007labourdayunrestposedastrongchallengetothelegitimacyoftheSARgovernment.

StudiesonpoliticalparticipationinMacauclaimedthat,thepoliticalcultureofMacaucitizensisgraduallymovingtowardsaparticipatoryone,i.e.fromasubjecttoacivicparticipatorycultureprevalentinmostliberaldemocraticcountries,asseeninthelegislativecouncilelectionssince1990s.Thefindingsshowedthatingeneral,Macaucitizensregisteredalowlevelofpoliticalefficacy(internalandexternal)despiteslightimprovementinpublicparticipation.ThesestillleftunexplainedtheissueofpoliticalefficacyandtheriseofprotestsasadominantformofpoliticalparticipationinMacauinrecentyears.Inaddition,opinionpollsconductedbytheUniversityofHongKongshowedrisingpublicdissatisfactionwithgovernmentperformanceandthelackofeffectivemunicationchannelsforpublicparticipationinthepolicymakingprocess.Furthermore,thefindingsofarecentstudybytheSustainableDevelopmentResearchCentreshowedthatalthoughmostcitizensconsidereddemocracyasasuitablemodelforMacau,Westernelectoralpracticeshavenotbeenacceptedasamainstreamvalue.TheirfindingsalsoshowedalowlevelofinternalpoliticalefficacyamongMacaucitizens.Hence,Macaucitizensarepoliticallyapathetic.

Drawingfromtheliteratureonpoliticalefficacyandcitizenparticipation,thispaperattemptstoaddressthecontradictionsandmissinglinkinthesestudiespertainingtotheissueofgovernanceinrelationtotheconceptsandapplicationofpoliticalefficacyandcitizenparticipationinthepost-handoverera.

後殖民主义,中国化与香港的少数族群管治工作

罗金义(香港教育学院)

Inthecolonialperiod,HongKongwasoftendescribedasaharmoniousmulticulturalsociety.HongKongisafusionpointforbothEastandWestcultures.Differentethnicgroupswerelivingtogetherwithoutanyseriousconflicts.However,beneaththisharmonyliesthefactmanySouthAsianethnicgroupsarebeingsociallyexcludedbythemajorityofHongKongChinese.EvenwithintheChinesepopulation,manynewChineseimmigrantsfromtheMainlandarediscriminatedbythelocalChinese.Indeed,theso-called"multicultural"isonlyatermthatdescribesthephysicalpresenceofvariousethnicgroupsinHongKong.ThegovernmentofHongKongSpecialAdministrativeRegion(HKSAR)hasbarelyhadamulticulturalpolicythatencouragesitscitizenstorespectotherracesandprovidesresourcesforethnicgroupstocultivateandmaintaintheirculturalidentity.Theobjectivesofthispaperarethree-folded.Wewillfirstexaminethesituationsoftheethnicminoritygroups(includingnewChineseimmigrants)inHongKongtoseehowsociallyexcludedtheyare,includinginemployment,education,spatialallocation等etc.Secondly,wewanttoshow,ontheonehand,theattemptsoftheHKSARgovernmenttogetridofthecolonialpastthroughSinicizationfurtherhindertheethnicminoritygroupstoasserttheirculturalidentity.Ontheotherhand,theformofSinicizationundertakenbytheHKSARgovernment,whichisshapedbyglobalcapitalistforces,alsomarginalizesthenewChineseimmigrants,makingthemadefactominoritygroup.ThehomogenizingeffectsoftheSinicizationprojecteffectivelydenymulticulturalism.Finally,thediscussionwillfocusonhowresilienttheHongKongminoritygroupsresolvetheireverydaylifeproblemslargelythroughtheirownindividualstrategiesandefforts.Ironically,theirresiliencemakesitharderforHongKongtobeetrulymulticultural.

B组/PanelB:区域行政合作(I)/RegionalGovernmentalCooperation(I)

新竹市测速照相器之民众感知调查研究

刘鸿晖杨舒涵玄奘大

台湾超速行驶一直是交通违规的主因之一,而超速行驶会增加交通事故的发生机率,因此台湾兴起采用测速照相取缔超速,来增加警方执法的效率.本研究企图了解新竹市民对於采用测速照相执法的认知,态度,行为,并透过认知的理论与定义之探讨检视个人行为.研究方法使用量化的电脑辅助访问系统进行调查,以新竹市市民为母体进行抽样,然後以Robbins的理论去设计电访内容.研究结果显示驾驶人对於定杆及隐藏式测速照相机皆有高度的认知,但超过一半的驾驶人不了解现行超速违规的裁罚基准,且驾驶人对於采用隐藏式测速照相机,现行超速违规裁罚基准及本市路段之速限规定难以接受,进而影响遵守速限规定行驶

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